[HCCN] fw: Amy Goodman interviews John Perkins
Judith Robbins
JUDY at ROBBINSandROBBINS.com
Tue Nov 10 23:39:15 UTC 2009
Hoodwinked: Former Economic Hit Man John Perkins Reveals Why the
World Financial Markets Imploded—and How to Remake Them
John Perkins calls himself a former economic hit man. He has seen the
signs of today’s financial meltdown before. The subprime mortgage
fiasco, the collapse of the banking industry, the rising unemployment
rate—these are all familiar to him. Perkins was on the front lines of
monitoring and helping create these very events that were once just
confined to the Third World. From 1971 to 1981, he worked for the
international consulting firm of Chas T. Main, where he was a self-
described “economic hit man.” He is the author of the New York Times
bestseller Confessions of An Economic Hit Man and The Secret History
of the American Empire. [includes rush transcript]
Guest:
John Perkins, from 1971 to 1981, he worked for the international
consulting firm of Chas T. Main, where he was a self-described
“economic hit man.” He is the author of the bestselling Confessions
of an Economic Hit Man. His latest book is called Hoodwinked: An
Economic Hit Man Reveals Why the World Financial Markets Imploded and
What We Need to Do to Remake Them.
AMY GOODMAN: The film is The End of Poverty? And we’re going to go to
a clip of the film, where our next guest interviews the vice
president of Bolivia. Yes, I’m talking about John Perkins, the
bestselling author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. He is back
with a new book. It’s called Hoodwinked: An Economic Hit Man Reveals
Why the World Financial Markets Imploded—and What We Need to Do to
Remake Them. We go now to John Perkins, in this clip from The End of
Poverty?, interviewing Bolivia’s vice president, Alvaro Garcia
Linera, for the film The End of Poverty?
JOHN PERKINS: [translated] Bolivia is a country with so many natural
resources. Why does a country like this have so many poor people?
VICE PRESIDENT ALVARO GARCIA LINERA: [translated] I think this has to
do with what we call the colonial condition of our societies.
Countries that have a collection of natural resources, renewable or
nonrenewable, seem to be condemned to be poor countries. It’s
paradoxical, isn’t it? Unfortunately, colonialism is always a part of
the development of capitalism. There is an emancipation process that
happens through the implementation of a different global economic
order than the current one. That’s why a total, simple and definite
break with colonialism allows us to imagine a world economic order,
globalized in a different way than that which is driven by the
accumulation of capital.
JOHN PERKINS: [translated] What things can Bolivia do, or should they
do, to bring about necessary change?
VICE PRESIDENT ALVARO GARCIA LINERA: [translated] This is a country
of nine million inhabitants, where 62 percent of the population is
indigenous, both in the cities and the farmlands. Bolivia is a
country with mestizos, Aymaras, Quechas, Guaranis, Mojenio,
Trinitarios, Irionos, thirty-two indigenous groups and nations. But,
unfortunately, in the 181 years of the republic’s political life, the
indigenous people were never recognized as citizens with collective
rights. Never. This continent is waking up. I like the idea of “a
continent in movement” as a synthesis of what’s been happening during
the past five to six years in Latin America. There’s a movement
developing of world citizenship and planetary responsibility. There
is something beautiful happening in these countries which makes them
get involved in the situations of countries like Bolivia, a country
that wants to live a better life, where 58 percent of the people live
on less than $2 a day.
AMY GOODMAN: An excerpt from the research done for The End of
Poverty? That clip was actually made for Democracy Now! Thanks to
Philippe Diaz and Cinema Libre Studio for that. the interview done
with the Bolivian vice president by John Perkins, who will now join
us in our firehouse studio after break.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins calls himself a former economic hit man. He
has seen the signs of today’s financial meltdown before. The subprime
mortgage fiasco, the collapse of the banking industry, the rising
unemployment rate—these are all familiar to him.
Perkins was on the front lines of monitoring and helping create these
very events that were once just confined to the third world. From ’71
to 1981, he worked for the international consulting firm Chas T.
Main, where he was a self-described “economic hit man.” It was based
in Boston.
He’s the author of the New York Times bestseller, Confessions of an
Economic Hit Man and The Secret History of the American Empire. Well,
he’s out with a new book. It’s called Hoodwinked: An Economic Hit Man
Reveals Why the World Financial Markets Imploded—and What We Need to
Do to Remake Them.
He joins me here in the firehouse studio.
Welcome, John. Well, for starters, though we’ve discussed this
before, what exactly does an “economic hit man” mean?
JOHN PERKINS: Well, Amy, I think it’s fair to say that we economic
hit men have managed to create the world’s first truly global empire.
And it’s basically a secret empire.
We do it in many ways, but principally, we identify a country that
has resources that corporations covet, like oil, arrange a huge loan
to that country from the World Bank or one of its sisters. The money
never actually goes to the country; it goes to our own corporations
to build the infrastructure projects in that country that help a few
very wealthy people, but don’t benefit the majority of the people,
who are too poor to buy electricity or have cars to drive on the
highways. And yet, they’re left holding a huge debt that they can’t
repay.
So we go back at some point and say, “You know, you can’t pay your
debts. Give us a pound of flesh. Sell your oil real cheap to our oil
companies. Vote with us on the next critical UN vote. Allow us to
build a military base in your backyard.” Something along these lines.
And when we fail—as I talk in my books, I failed with Jaime Roldos,
president of Ecuador, Omar Torrijos of Panama—the Jackals go in and
either overthrow or assassinate these leaders. And if the Jackals
fail, as they did in Iraq, then we send in the military.
AMY GOODMAN: And what personal experience do you have to prove this?
JOHN PERKINS: Well, I was there. You know, I was with Jaime Roldos in
Ecuador. I was the guy—one of the guys who was supposed to corrupt
him, bring him around, and Omar Torrijos of Panama and many others.
When I failed with those two gentlemen, the Jackals went in and
assassinated both of them. And I was there; I was in those front
lines. My official title was chief economist of Charles T. Main. I
had about three dozen employees working for me and did this for ten
years, and finally saw the light.
But I think what’s—you know, what’s really important about all this
is that in this period of time, since the 1970s, and really beginning
very strongly in the 1980s, we’ve created what I consider a mutant,
viral form of capitalism. Earlier on the program, you showed the
statistics of 37 percent of the people in the survey not believing
that capitalism is working. I don’t think the failure is capitalism.
I think it’s the specific kind of capitalism that we’ve developed in
the last thirty or forty years, particularly beginning with the time
of Reagan and Milton Friedman’s economic theories, which stress that
the only goal of business is to maximize profit, regardless of the
social and environmental costs, and not to regulate businesses at all—
regulation is bad, all forms—and to privatize everything, so that
everything is run by private business. And this mutant form of
capitalism, which I think is really a predatory form of capitalism,
has created an extremely unstable, unsustainable, unjust and very,
very dangerous world.
AMY GOODMAN: You talk about the robber barons, the modern day robber
barons. Who do you mean?
JOHN PERKINS: So many of them. You know, we’ve seen them recently on
Wall Street, the people from Goldman Sachs and Citigroup and so many
other organizations, people like Jack Welch, who is a former CEO of
General Electric. And as I lecture at business schools and MBA
programs, Jack Welch is often held up as this idol. Jack Welch laid
off a quarter of GE’s employees. You know, he said he was making the
company meaner and leaner—he certainly was making it meaner—gave
himself huge raises and bonuses at the same time, turned General
Electric essentially from a manufacturing company into a financial
services company, which really was one of the leaders in taking us
down this course today that we’re on of a failed economic system.
And we truly have a failed economic system at this point. It’s deep.
You know, one of the reasons I wrote Hoodwinked is because I saw a
lot of books coming out that deal with what I consider triage. What
do you do with AIG? What do you do with General Electric? What do you
do about the immediate problems with Wall Street? But the problem is
much, much deeper. There’s a cancer beneath all that. And this is
this very basics of our current economic system. And we must delve
down and root out that cancer and move into something much better.
I have a two-year-old grandson. And as I look at this baby, you know,
I think, what’s this world going to look like in six decades, when
he’s my age? If we stay the course, it will be horrible. But we have
this opportunity now, and I think this economic turmoil that we’re in
today is teaching us that we must change. We have a failed system. We
must create something better. And we must realize that my grandson
can’t possibly hope to inherit a sustainable, just and peaceful
world, unless every child growing up in Ethiopia and in Bolivia and
in Indonesia and in Israel and Palestine has that same expectation.
For the first time in history, we’re really living on a very, very
tiny, highly integrated planet, and we’re all communicating with each
other. Everybody is listening to Democracy Now! all around the world.
We’re all talking on the cell phone and by internet. We really get
it. We’re a very, very small community, and we need to recognize that.
AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins, you have an interesting theory about what
happened in Honduras, the coup that just took place there. What do
you think?
JOHN PERKINS: Well, I don’t think it’s a theory. You know, I think
it’s—I was in Panama at the time that the coup took place. And, you
know, the democratic—
AMY GOODMAN: In June.
JOHN PERKINS: Yeah. The democratically elected president, Zelaya, had
called for a new constitution to replace the old one that was really
set up by the oligarchy in favor of the very, very, very wealthy and
the international companies. He also called for a 60 percent increase
in the bottom wage rate, which had a huge impact on Dole and
Chiquita, two of the biggest employers in that company. They, along
with a number of companies that have sweatshops in Honduras, strongly
objected, very much the same way that they had objected to Aristide
in Haiti, when he did something similar, and called in the military.
The general in charge of the military was a graduate of our School of
the Americas, this, you know, school that’s famous for creating
dictators, and they overthrew Zelaya. It was a classic CIA-sponsored
type of coup, very similar to what United Fruit had done in Guatemala
in the early ’50s. And, of course, United Fruit became Chiquita.
So you had this—you know, this strong relationship and got rid of
this democratically elected president, because he was drawing a line
in the sand. We had seen ten countries in Latin America bring in new
presidents who are instituting very significant reforms in favor of
the people, in favor of using local resources to help the people pull
themselves up by the bootstraps, and I think the corporatocracy
decided to draw a line in the sand in Honduras.
AMY GOODMAN: Iran and the swirling clouds?
JOHN PERKINS: You know, I think Iran today—Iran is this example of
where we went in and overthrew a democratically elected president,
Mosaddeq, in the early ’50s, and we’ve seen terrible blowback from
that ever since. It’s, you know, not only in Iran, but it impacted
the whole Middle East. If we had supported that president, who simply
wanted to use more of his oil money, his country’s oil money, to help
the poor people—we strongly objected. We overthrew him in a coup and
replaced him with the Shah. So we’ve seen the blowback that comes out
of that. And this has led to this situation that we’re in today.
And the swirling clouds, to me, are the big corporations. So, in the
past, you had roughly 200 countries on the planet, which a few had a
lot of power—the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, the United States.
But today the geopolitics might better be envisioned as the same
roughly 200 countries with these huge swirling clouds that are the
big corporations. And they are really calling the shots all over the
planet. They know no national boundaries. They don’t listen to any
specific set of laws. They strike deals with the Chinese and the
Taiwanese and the Tibetans and the Israelis and the Arab nations.
Whoever has the markets or the resources, they cut deal with—deals
with. And as we’ve seen in our most recent election here in the
United States, we bring in a president who is very diametrically
different from the former president, and yet the corporations are
still calling the shots.
Which takes us back, Amy, to the fact that we, the people, must
create the change. This has always been the case. And this is a
clarion call for us at this point now in history, that we must get
out there. We’ve got to get behind Obama and all the other
politicians. We’ve got to force the corporations to change their
goal, get away from this goal of maximizing profits regardless of
social and environmental costs, and instead say, “Yeah, it’s OK. Make
profits, but only within a context of creating a sustainable, just
and peaceful world,” only within the context of creating a world that
my grandson will want to inherit, and that means every child on the
planet will want to inherit it, because I think it’s really important
that we understand today we cannot have homeland security unless we
understand that the whole planet is our homeland. Our homeland is now
no longer defined by the Rio Grande and the Canadian border. It is—we
are one—one human species living on a very fragile planet.
AMY GOODMAN: What is the burden of the melting glaciers?
JOHN PERKINS: The melting—you know, I was in Tibet a couple of years
ago, and I stood there with these nomads and looked at this glacier
that had been down at the road a decade or so before, now it’s way
back a mile away. And these glaciers up in the Himalayas feed the
five largest rivers in the world. They provide water to China and to
India. And as these glaciers melt, the water is drying up. The
glaciers are melting because of global warming, because of us. And
what we have to understand is the huge consequences. If these five
rivers no longer can feed water to the Chinese and the Indians, these
people are going to die of thirst. And before they die of thirst,
they’ll become very rebellious.
We have to understand that one of the root causes of terrorism—I
don’t even like the word “terrorism,” because I don’t think it really
is—it’s a whole bunch of diverse groups all over the world. But in
every—practically every case, it results from starvation, from
desperation. I’ve met a lot of terrorists. I’ve interviewed them for
books. I’ve never met one who wanted to be a terrorist. These are
farmers who have been driven off their farmlands by oil companies or
hydroelectric projects, or they’re fishermen, like the Somali
pirates, who can no longer make a living fishing, because their
waters have been fished dry or destroyed by nuclear waste from US
military vessels. I have not met anyone who wanted to be a terrorist.
They’re desperate people. If we want to get rid of terrorism, we must
get rid of the root causes, that cancer that is destroying our whole
system.
AMY GOODMAN: The new rules you propose for business and government?
JOHN PERKINS: Well, you know, we all know that getting rid of the
rules that protected us from another recession has helped to bring on
this current recession, you know, things like Glass-Steagall and the
banking laws and so forth. We need to implement a lot of those again.
But I think we also need another whole new set of laws that says
businesses must be—look at being environmentally and socially
responsible. For a hundred years after United States became the
United States, no corporation was allowed to get a charter unless it
could prove that it served the public interest. And charters came up
for renewal every ten years or so. They didn’t get a renewal unless
they could prove they served the public interest. That all changed
with a Supreme Court ruling that made corporations equivalent to
individuals in the late 1880s, and then John D. Rockefeller stepped
in and really took things—made things go out of hand.
But we need to go back to an understanding that corporations are
there to serve us. When I went to business school, I was taught that
a good CEO takes care of the long-term interests of the corporation—
the employees, the customers, the general economy—not just there to
make short-term profits. And we really need to get back to that, to
an understanding. I think we need laws and rules that say that
corporations must be aiming toward creating a sustainable and just
and peaceful world. We simply have to do that. These are our main
controlling organizations today, and they must be answerable to
what’s best in the public interest, not just the interests of a few
very wealthy, powerful people.
AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins, self-confessed economic hit man, he’s got
a new book out. It’s called Hoodwinked: An Economic Hit Man Reveals
Why the World Financial Markets Imploded—and What We Need to Do to
Remake Them.
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