[HCCN] Globalized Injustice, Jose Saramago, please read
Judith Robbins
judy at robbinsandrobbins.com
Sun Aug 8 00:40:35 UTC 2010
Friends: Having just returned from a trip to Cuba, we are especially
tuned in to alternative (non-US) media voices. Jose Saramago sadly
died several days after this piece was posted in Granma. We recommend
this article and hope that you will find the time to read it. A link
to one of many obituaries follows the article.
-- Judy and Peter
''Globalized injustice
José Saramago
JUNE 4, 2010. I will begin by telling you in extremely brief words
about a notable event in rural life that occurred in a village on the
outskirts of Florence more than 400 years ago. Allow me to ask for
your full attention on this significant historic event because, in
contrast to the norm, you will not have to wait for the end of the
story to extract the moral; it won’t be long before it jumps out at you.
The inhabitants were in their homes or cultivating their crops, each
one of them devoted to their daily doings and cares when suddenly,
they heard the church bell ringing. In those pious time (we are
talking about something that happened in the 16th century), the bells
rang various times throughout the day and, from that point of view,
there was no motive for surprise, but that bell sounded
melancholically to death, and that was certainly surprising, given
that there were no reports of anyone in the village being on their
deathbeds. So the women went out onto the streets, their children
joined them, the men left their work and other activities and, in a
very short time, they were all congregated in the vestibule of the
church, awaiting to be told for whom they should weep. The bell
continued to sound for a few minutes more and finally fell silent. A
few minutes later, the door opened and a campesino appeared on the
threshold.
But, as this man was not the one normally in charge of ringing the
bell, the neighbors asked him where was the bell ringer and who was
the dead person. "The bell ringer isn’t here, I’m the one who made
the bell sound," was the campesino’s reply. "But then, is nobody
dead?" retorted the villagers, and the campesino responded: "No one
who has the name and shape of a person has died; I tolled the bell
for the death of Justice, because Justice is dead."
What had happened? It so happened that, for some time, the rich lord
of the place (some unscrupulous count or marquis) had been moving the
boundary stones on the edges of his land and putting them in the
campesino’s small parcel of land which, with every advance, grew
smaller and smaller. The victim began by protesting and complaining,
then implored compassion, and finally resolved to make a complaint to
the authorities and avail himself of the protection of justice.
All to no avail; the plundering continued. So, in desperation, he
decided to announce urbi et orbi (a village is the same size as the
world for those who have lived there all their lives), the death of
Justice. Perhaps he believed that his gesture of impassioned
indignation would succeed in inducing pity and make all the bells in
the universe sound, without difference of race, creed and customs;
that all of them, without exception, would accompany him in the knell
for the death of Justice and would not fall silent until it was
resurrected. Such a clamor that it would fly from home to home, city
to city, leaping over borders, casting sonorous bridges across rivers
and oceans, perforce would waken the sleeping world… I don’t know
what happened next; I don’t know if the people came to the aid of the
campesino and helped him to put the boundary stones back in their
rightful place or if, once Justice had been pronounced dead, they
returned resigned, their heads bowed and their souls surrendered, to
the sad life of every day.
It is definitely true that History never tells us everything.
I suppose that this has been the only time, in any part of the world,
in which a bell, a lifeless bronze bell, after having been tolled so
many times for the death of human beings, wept for the death of
Justice. Never again was that funereal sound heard again in that
village in Florence, but Justice went on and is still dying every
day. Right now, in this instant in which we are speaking, far away or
right here, next to the door of our home, someone is killing it.
Every time that it dies it is as if, at the end, it had never existed
for those who had trusted in it, for those who expected of it what
all of us have the right to expect from Justice: justice, simply
justice. Not the kind that envelopes itself in theatrical attire and
confuses us with flowers of vain, judicial rhetoric; not that which
allows its eyes to be blindfolded and the weights of the scales to be
corrupted; not that of the sword which always cuts one side deeper
than the other; but a prosaic justice, a justice that is the day-to-
day partner of human beings, a justice for which the just would be
most exactly and rigorously synonymous with the ethical; a justice
that would become so indispensable for the happiness of the spirit as
the nourishment of the body is indispensable for life.
A justice exercised by the courts, without doubt, whenever they
decide on the law, but also and above all, a justice that is the
spontaneous emanation of society itself in action, a justice in which
is manifested, as an inescapable moral imperative, respect for the
right to be that of every human being. But fortunately, the bells did
not only toll to weep for those who were dying. They also tolled to
note the hours of the day and night, to call believers to celebrate
or to devotion, and there was a time, in this case not so distant,
when they sounded the alarm in order to call the people to come
running in the face of catastrophe, floods and fires, disasters, or
any kind of danger threatening the community.
Today, the social role of the bells is limited to fulfilling ritual
obligations and the enlightened gesture of the campesino in Florence
would be viewed as the work of a raving lunatic or, worse still, as a
simple police case.
Other and different are the bells that today are defending and
affirming, at last, the possibility of implanting in the world that
comradely justice of humanity, that justice which is the condition
for the happiness of the spirit and even, as surprising as it may
seem to us, the condition for the very nourishing of the body. If
that justice existed, not one more human being would die of hunger or
of the many diseases that are curable for some but not for others. If
that justice existed, for more than half of humanity, existence would
not be the terrible condemnation that objectively it has been.
Those new bells, whose voice is extending, constantly more strongly,
throughout the world, are the multiple movements of resistance and
social action that are striving for the establishment of a new
distributive and commutative justice which all human beings can come
to recognize as intrinsically theirs; a justice protected by freedom
and the law, not by any of their negations.
I have said that for that justice, we already have at our disposal a
code of practical application within the reach of any comprehension,
and that that code was laid down 62 years ago in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, containing those 30 basic and essential
rights, which are only mentioned vaguely today, when they are not
systematically silenced, more discredited and besmirched today than
were the property and liberty of the Florentine campesino 400 years ago.
And I have also said that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
exactly as it was drafted and without the need to alter even one
single comma, could substitute with flying colors – insofar as it
respects the rectitude of principles and the clarity of objectives –
the programs of all the political parties in the world, expressly
those of the so-called left, stagnated in outdated formulas, distant
from or impotent in terms of facing up to the brutal reality of the
current world, who are closing their eyes to the already evident and
fearful threats that the future is preparing against that rational
and sentient dignity that we imagined was the supreme aspiration of
human beings.
I will add that the same reasons that lead me to refer in these terms
to political parties in general, I equally apply to national trade
unions and, consequently, to the international trade union movement
as a whole. Either consciously or unconsciously, the meek and
bureaucratized trade unionism that we are left with today is, to a
large extent, responsible for the resultant social drowsiness of the
economic globalization process underway. It pains me to say it, but I
cannot remain silent. And also, if you permit me to add something
from my own particular harvest to the fables of La Fontaine, I will
then say that, if we do not intervene in time – that is to say, now –
the mouse of human rights will end up implacably devoured by the cat
of economic globalization.
And democracy, that millenary invention of certain ingenuous
Athenians for whom it meant, in the concrete social and political
circumstances of the time, and according to the sacred expression: "A
government of the people, by the people and for the people?" I often
hear sincere people, of proven good faith, reasoning, as well as
those whose interests lie in simulating that appearance of goodness
who, despite the irrefutable evidence of the disastrous situation
faced by the majority of people on the planet, that it will be
precisely within the framework of a general democratic system that we
will have the most prospects for reaching the full or at least
satisfactory attainment of human rights. Nothing closer to the truth,
but on the condition that the system of government and the conduct of
society in what we currently call democracy, is effectively
democratic. And it is not.
It is true that we can vote; it is true that we can, by delegation of
the speck of sovereignty that acknowledges us as citizens with a vote
– normally via a party – choose our representatives to Parliament; it
is true, all in all, that the numeric relevance of such
representations and the political combinations imposed by the need
for a majority, will always result in a government. All of this is
true, but it is equally true that the possibility of democratic
action begins and ends there. Electors can remove from power a
government that they do not like and vote in another in its place,
but their votes have not, do not and will never have any visible
effect on the sole real force that governs the world and, thus, their
country and their person. I am referring, obviously, to economic
power – in particular to that part of it, always on the rise, ruled
by multinational companies in line with strategies of domination that
have nothing to do with that common good to which, by definition,
democracy aspires.
We all know that, even so, via a species of verbal and mental
automatism which does not allow us to see the crude nakedness of
facts, we continue to speak of democracy as if it were something
alive and functioning, when all that remains of it is little more
than a combination of ritualized forms, innocuous steps and gestures
of a kind of secular mass. And we do not realize – as if we did not
have eyes to see – that our governments, those which, for better or
worse, we have elected, and thus for whom we are primarily
responsible, are increasingly being transformed into mere political
commissioners of economic power, with the objective mission of
producing the laws that suit that power, in order to subsequently,
sweetly enveloped in pertinent official and private publicity,
introduce them into the social market without raising too many
protests, save those of certain well-known and eternally discontented
minorities.
What to do? From literature to ecology, from Star Wars to the
greenhouse effect, from waste disposal to traffic congestion, we
argue over everything in this world of ours.
But the democratic system, as if it were a definitively acquired
fact, untouchable by nature until the end of time, is something that
cannot be argued over. But if I am not mistaken, if I am not
incapable of adding two and two together, then, among so many other
necessary or indispensable arguments, it is a matter of urgency,
before it is too late for us, to promote a global debate on democracy
and the causes of its decadence, on citizens’ intervention in
political and social life, on the relations between states and global
economic and financial power, on that which affirms and that which
denies democracy, on the right to happiness and a dignified
existence, on the poverty and hopes of humanity or, speaking with
less rhetoric, of the simple human beings who comprise it, one by one
and all together.
There is no worse deception than that of self-deception. And that is
how we are living. I have nothing more to say. Or yes, just one word
to ask for a moment of silence. The Florentine campesino has just
climbed up the church tower once again, the bell is going to sound.
Let us hear it, please. ''
http://www.granma.cu...injusticia.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/19/books/19saramago.html
José Saramago, Nobel Prize-Winning Portuguese Writer, Dies at 87
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